Words: 3536
The essence of the theory has been described as the suggestion that Asiatic societies were held in thrall by a despotic ruling clique, residing in central cities and directly expropriating surplus from largely tartaric and generally undifferentiated village communities. The theory continues to arouse heated discussion among contemporary Marxist and non-Marxist alike. Some have rejected the whole concept on the grounds that the socio-economic formations of pre-capitalist Asia did not differ enough from those of feudal Europe to warrant special designation.
Aside from Marx, was also an enthusiastic commentator on the AMP. They focused on the socio-economic base of AMP society. Principles Mar’s theory focuses on the organization of labor and depends on his distinction between the following: * The means or forces of production; things such as land, natural resources, necessary for the production of material goods; and * The relations Of production; the social relationships people enter into as they acquire and use the means of production. Together these compose the mode of production and Marx distinguished historical Rasa in terms of distinct modes of production (Asiatic).
Marx highlighted that the role the state played in Asiatic societies was incredibly dominant and this was accounted to either the state’s monopoly of land ownership, its sheer political and military power or its control over irrigation systems. Description The Asiatic mode of production is a notion that has been the subject of much deliberation on the part of Marxist and non-Marxist commentators alike. The AMP has endured much controversy and contest from many scholars and is the most disputed mode of production outlined in the works of Marx.
Questions regarding the validity of the concept of the AMP were raised in terms of whether or not it corresponds to the reality of certain given societies. Historians have questioned the value of the notion of the AMP as an interpretation of the “facts” of Indian or Chinese history. The subsequent status of the AMP concept has varied with changes in the political environment. The theory was very unpopular in the Soviet Union in the period between the two world wars. Wittingly suggested in his concept of Oriental despotism that this may have been because of the uncomfortable military between the AMP and the reality of Stalin’s Russia.
In this article Mar’s view of Asian society and his “Asiatic mode of production’ are analyses. It is concluded that Marx at first regarded Asian society as a special society which was stagnant and devoid of history, but that at length he overcame this view, considered that the Asiatic mode of production was begotten out of the dissolution of primitive society and was the earliest form of class society and the specific mode of production preceding the ancient mode of production, and placed this mode of production in the series of satirical stages of development.
Thereafter the author sets out his own views regarding the logical structure of the genesis, development, and fall of this Asiatic mode of production. According to Marx, the combination of forces and relations of production means that the way people relate to the physical world and the way people relate to each other socially are bound up together in specific and necessary ways. People must consume to survive, but to consume they must produce, and in producing they necessarily enter into relations which exist independently of their will.
For Marx, the whole ‘secret’ f why/how a social order exists and the causes of social change must be discovered in the specific mode of production that a society has. He further argued that the mode of production substantively shaped the nature of the mode of distribution, the mode of circulation and the mode of consumption, all of which together constitute the economic sphere. To understand the way wealth was distributed and consumed, it was necessary to understand the conditions under which it was produced.
A mode of production is historically distinctive for Marx, because it constitutes part of an ‘organic totality’ (or self- producing whole) which is capable of constantly re-creating its own initial conditions, and thus perpetuate itself in a more or less stable ways for centuries, or even millennia. By performing social surplus labor in a specific system of property relations, the labouringly classes constantly reproduce the foundations of the social order. Normally a mode of production shapes the mode of distribution, circulation and consumption, and is regulated by the state.
New productive forces will cause conflict in the current mode of production. When conflict arises the modes of production can evolve within he current structure or cause a complete breakdown. Conclusion This is a controversial contribution to Marxist theory, initially used to explain pre-slave and pre-feudal large earthwork constructions in China, India, the Euphrates and Nile river valleys (and named on this basis of the primary evidence coming from greater “Asia”).
The Asiatic mode of production is said to be the initial form of class society, where a small group extracts social surplus through violence aimed at settled or unsettled band communities within a domain. Exploited labor is extracted as forced labor during a slack erred of the year (allowing for monumental construction such as the pyramids, auguries, ancient Indian communal baths or the Chinese Great Wall). Exploited labor is also extracted in the form of goods directly seized from the exploited communities.
The primary property form of this mode is the direct religious possession of communities (villages, bands, hamlets) and all those within them. The ruling class of this society is generally a semi- theocratic aristocracy which claims to be the incarnation of gods on earth. The forces of production associated with this society include basic agricultural sequences, massive construction and storage of goods for social benefit. 2. Social Exclusion Of Bangladesh. Social Exclusion is a term that comes up often in association with poverty, social welfare and social injustice.
Development interventions are designed with some notion of benefiting or including the excluded. Government and non-government agencies have traditionally engaged in addressing exclusion by targeting services towards those who they deem as deprived. In Bangladesh, examples of such programmed range from relief supports for the victims of natural disasters, health and sanitation services, micromanage or rural women, legal services for establishing citizens’ rights and good governance, and more recently, programmed for the ‘hardcore’ poor who are considered left out Of ‘regular’ programmed.
Clearly, all these programmed have well defined targets, for example, residents of flood affected areas; rural women without a minimum level of assets; retrenched workers from state, owned enterprises, rape and acid victims, and the very poor identified in terms of some observables. All such programmed were presumably designed on the assumption that the target groups were outside the scope of (or, excluded from) regular (or, specialized) service delivery network – where the services were provided by the state, the private sectors, or Nags.
Over view of Social Exclusion It is commonly recognized that ‘social exclusion’ in the literature is rooted in social concerns in the developed (western) societies. A common thread in the recent literature on exclusion in developing countries is to redefine the originally western concept of exclusion for the developing world. The dynamics that determine exclusion in the developed world are however different from those which determine exclusion in the developing world. Since we differ significantly in our approach to exclusion, a brief review of current thoughts, particularly amongst economists, is called for.
Poverty is capability deprivation, I. E. Lack of capability to live a minimally decent life; while social exclusion is considered both a constitutive part of capability deprivation and an instrumental cause of capability failures. Focuses on the exclusionary effect of institutionalizing; and deals with the creation of relational differences, which is important in understanding the process of exclusion. Considers social exclusion as a part of poverty. When poverty is defined in viability perspectives, exclusion only adds the relational aspect that enriches the analysis of poverty.
Broad explanation of exclusion to investigate on who are excluded and why; where exclusion is explained in terms Of poverty. The concept of social exclusion assists researchers to tease out the complex, interconnected factors pertinent to particular experiences. Historically, exclusion from welfare services has dominated the exclusion literature in the west. The fact that the differences in the social security arrangements between industrialized and developing countries require an alteration of the incept.
A part of the more recent literature use this as a point of departure and argue why the welfare services is not a topic for exclusion in developing countries. It is recognizes at one point that individuals are often excluded independent of poverty. It does not however delve in reconciling this with his earlier assertion that ‘social exclusion is a part of poverty. Summarizes the contribution in the following three areas: (I) Social exclusion is only a subset of poverty and it is only one of a number of reasons why an individual is unable to obtain adequate basic capabilities.
This allows for other factors (such as, unfavorable inclusion) to cause poverty as well. (ii) The distinction between forms of exclusion (or, unfavorable inclusion) which are in them a deprivation and those which are not necessarily negative but which can lead to deprivation allows the researcher to elaborate the causal chain. (iii) The analytical distinction between active and passive forms of exclusion (and unfavorable inclusion) is useful in determining an appropriate policy response. Defining exclusion in terms of space and characteristics The discussion Of exclusion for this assignment began with a focus on
Bangladesh. A child who cannot go to school because she lives too far from the nearest school, a woman who cannot engage in certain kinds of jobs because of social taboo and a minority community with no access to electricity because of political underestimations; these are some familiar cases of exclusion in Bangladesh. Many children in Bangladesh find it difficult to go to school due to the lack of public transportation and inadequate number of schools. Gender inequality and social norms often force women to remain secluded from certain occupations, and accept lower wages.
Ethnic roofs are inadequately represented in the parliament, which means investment in infrastructure is lowest in their constituencies. In all these cases, individuals are deprived (or excluded) from access to certain essential services, often perceived as basic rights as citizens of the country. The first step in clearly analyzing each of these cases is to ask the basic questions: Who is excluded? What is she/he excluded from? A more central question however is: why is someone excluded? In searching for the answers to these questions, we distinguish the two dimensions. The child in the first case is excluded from access to education.
And this occurs due to her distance from the nearest school. A child living in a remote area answers the first question (who is excluded), while access to education answers the second (what is she excluded from? ). The first dimension is a characteristic of the individual that leads to exclusion from the second dimension, I. E. Access to education. We call the first dimension the ‘attribute’ and the second dimension the ‘space’ of exclusion. For the other cases mentioned earlier, the attributes are gender, and ethnicity, while the spaces are employment, access to electricity and lattice participation.
If an exhaustive list of all those who are excluded in a society were available, it would be possible to generate a complete list of attributes and spaces related to exclusion. Towards a broader definition of exclusion: an analytical framework We take cue from the simple construct of market and market demand for (and supply of) goods and services. The idea of exclusion of a person, a household, or a community from a space (such as a market place, a cultural sphere, politics, etc. ) is meaningful only if the person (or household/ community) is keen on being included.
If it were the case of absolute unwillingness to enter the ‘space’, there would possibly be no concern for their exclusion. In the context of a market of goods and services, exclusion (or inclusion) may arise from both ends – as suppliers, or as consumers demanding goods ; services. Summary on the analytical framework These are: ; Exclusion from entry into an output market as provider. ; Exclusion of entry into an input market as a potential consumer/buyer. ; Exclusion of potential consumers from the (output) market of goods and services, ; Exclusion from wage employment
Primary and secondary attributes in respect of Social Exclusion Primary attributes include those normally considered under social exclusion; gender, ethnicity, religion, etc. Even endowment of physical assets is acquired in the long-term and one may consider this as a primary attribute for short- term analysis. Human capital is included in the secondary attributes. Set of secondary (acquired) attributes Exclusion from exchanges in spaces for capability enhancement and other spaces Exclusion from ideological space leading to exclusion from legal protection of one’s assets and human rights Addressing excel suasion:- Generic Approaches
While we now proceed to discuss the broad approaches one observes in practice, some of the derivatives of the proposed framework are highlighted here. ; There are broadly two ways to reduce exclusion. First, economic prosperity distributed across all people will reduce exclusion working its way through both sides of the market; increase in purchasing power will allow more to be ‘included’, and enlarged market size will induce providers to be more competitive and innovative to reach out to a wider set of clients.
The second has been to reach out to the excluded with a mix of subsidy and differentiated products. The latter has been the norm in current development practices, often marginalia the long-term concern. ; In all cases, attempts to address exclusion in cost effective ways will require market segmentation. Where subsidy is provided to include only the otherwise excluded ones, ensuring market segmentation is a prerequisite so that those who were already included cannot get a share of the subsidy since this was only meant for the excluded group.
This has surfaced in the literature under the guise of ‘targeting. Segmentation also arises in case of differentiated products; and the literature has often guised it under ‘self- Argentina. An essential dichotomy that we confront under such situation is the fact that reduction in exclusion is brought about not by increasing inclusion in the original Set of markets, but by creating another space (a market of differentiated products and services) for the excluded ones. This aspect has hardly drawn any attention in the literature even though its implications for the dynamics in the society could be enormous. Dynamics of providers (employers in case of labor market) are important in understanding the prospect of reducing exclusion. Synergies derived from revisers’ engagements in multiple spaces may red cue their delivery cost in each of those spaces, thus making it feasible for the erstwhile excluded ones to access the newly established markets. It also suggests that market institutions, once subsidized, may become self-sustainable at a later period. Thus, policies towards institutions are no less important in addressing exclusion.
Alternative programmed in respect of Social Exclusion The important spaces for the HOC are employment/labor market, market of staple food, housing/shelter, health service, education service, and access to uncial services. Based on responses received from the Figs and interviews of programmer staff, it is important to note that the cost of undertaking a programmer has been ignored. Thus, in terms of impacts on target population, asset transfer programmer under the agriculture enterprise component was found to perform better. So did the wage employment programmer.
In most instances, however, inclusions take place in segmented markets. The literature on exclusion and on poverty, with its various characterizations, has followed two distinct paths. There have, however, been attempts to find areas of their convergence – mostly from those finding exclusion as a relevant concept in understanding poverty. Even though only briefly, this paper noted that analytical categories used to articulate exclusion (largely referring to social exclusion) are rooted in the cross-section of sociology and development studies.
In contrast, there has been a growing body of literature on economics of poverty, a significant portion of which is devoted to the broader issues around targeting and programmer packaging. Both sets have responded to programmed put into practice, and in course, have influenced aerogramme designs. This assignment recognizes the importance of insights into both exclusion and poverty derived from these engagements, but chooses to adopt an alternative perspective to raise fresh issues – both for programmer designs and on the criteria one may desirably choose to assess programmed addressing poverty and the poor.
The perspective developed uses the basic tools Of demand and supply in ‘potent’ markets of goods and services. Validating the proposed framework on exclusion with empirical observations was beyond the scope of this assignment However, several conclusions are ran from limited field studies and based on findings of several other studies undertaken by the Economic Research Group. One tentative conclusion of the assignment is: gender, ethnicity, religion and disability are the primary attributes which define segments of population who are excluded primarily from the ideological/cultural spaces, subsequently leading into other forms of exclusion.
No clear policy initiative is visible in the areas of religious minorities and ethnic groups – rather the forces of the market and globalization have been marginalia the weaker parties. Limited evidence on religion-specific education figures and the persistent land-grabbing (by the state and private individuals) raise alarms on the state of exclusion in Bangladesh. In the absence of adequate data and analyses, the above statements largely remain as conjectures, and future research may attempt to look into these in greater depth.
At a general level, the focus was on various kinds of exclusion, following which, criteria for assessing programmed for the poor were developed. It followed logically since the poor constitute a subset of all excluded people. Barring for the limitations in definitions, it was shown that the hardcore poor re more likely to be excluded from some important spaces (of human activities/exchanges). This is no new finding -? even before a programmer is put in place, people excluded from one space, may be participating in a similar but differentiated space (different in quality and price).
This has so often been discussed in the literature on microcircuit (I. E. Switching from moneylenders) and the present research takes cue from such happenings to explain why it happens. By the same reasoning, it is argued that any intervention in the name of hardcore poor is likely to introduce new segments in the spaces where revise are delivered. Thus, success of programmed may be scaled in terms of their achievements in making poor included in the mainstream (I. E. Main product/service space), or in a segmented space (from either complete exclusion or from previous inclusion in lower quality space), or not being able to include the poor in relevant spaces in any meaningful way. The criterion of finite-period intervention has been noted, but not looked into. Exclusion and poverty sets may be analyzed in future to identify appropriate service/products and verify if any strong relations exist between various segments and the very poor. . Madras and English Medium Education Comparison.
Madras Education System in Bangladesh 1. Madras Education System, after passing ‘Aim’, student can enroll in for areas long study, for obtaining a ‘Facial’ level as well as they can go for further general education like earning all over the universities degree, And after passing successfully they can further enroll into another 2 years long study system to obtain a ‘Kamala’ level degree. 2. Even the National Education Policy of the Miami regime basically advocated modernizing the madras curricula and accepted its viability as a parallel steam. . The en relent in madras’s accounts for about 15% of total enrolments and 23% of teachers at primary and secondary levels. 4. Accessing madras education by a poor or mid income section of the rural society has become a noticeable phenomenon. 5. The quality of education is, however, questionable to some extent, and high completion rates in comparison to the main steam education are taken as indicative of poor quality education. 6. The returns on investment in madras education are low. 7.
Its internal efficiency is relatively high as madras receive wide range of community support. On the other hand, its external efficiency is low. 8. An appropriate policy would be to integrate madras’s with the mainstream, while the religious component could be treated as functionally additional us objects, 9. Politics in both stakeholders as well as policy makers to be overruled with honest motivation and national development 10. Agenda, purpose, policy and functionalities to be fixed and determined.