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Philosophy of Feminism Final Exam The philosophy of feminism involves attempting to use the methods of philosophy to further the cause of feminist movements. Bell hooks is a feminist who successfully does exactly that. I will discuss how Kimberle Crenshaw’s literature Traffic at the Crossroads: Multiple Oppressions has a very similar underlying vision shared with bell hooks about what it takes to effectively liberate women in society.
I will also discuss how Judith Butler’s postmodern theories in Contingent Foundations: Feminism and the Question of “Postmodernism” correlate positively with bell hooks’ ideologies in her ‘radical agenda’. I will discuss that Martha Nussbaum’s philosophical presentation of feminist movement differs from hooks’ but does contain some of the same underlying visions of how to aid in the liberation of women all over the world. Lastly I will discuss that I agree with hooks’ claim that there cannot be an effective feminist movement without liberatory feminist theory, and what liberation really entails.
The term “Intersectionality Theory” was first coined by Kimberle Crenshaw in the 1970’s but gained prominence in the 1990’s when it was reintroduced as an idea as part of bell hooks’ discussion on black feminism. This term replaced her previously coined expression “black feminist thought”, and increased the general applicability of her theory from African American women to all women. Much like her predecessor Crenshaw, hooks argues that cultural patterns of oppression are not only interrelated, but are bound together and influenced by the intersectional systems of society, such as race, gender, class, and ethnicity (39).
According to Crenshaw, as a woman of color, experiences of class, gender, sexuality, etc. , cannot be adequately understood unless the influences of racialization are carefully considered (47). Feminists Crenshaw and hooks both argue that an understanding of intersectionality is a vital element to gaining political and social equality and improving our democratic system. Hooks’ theory is one of particular interest because it represents the sociological crossroads between modern and post-modern feminist thought, just as seen in Crenshaw’s literature.
Crenshaw, like hooks, emphasizes the notion that a feminism movement is under the category of a liberation movement. Hooks’ belief in the significance of spreading the importance of discrimination, specifically of women and coloured women, is seen through the writing of Crenshaw as she states; ” I hope to inspire greater attention to the interactive effects of discrimination” (43). Their critical analyses are meant to contribute to the empowerment of subordinated groups.
Both women have a similar vision, and this vision is to see and express to the world how important it is to educate the “masses of men and women” (hooks3, 35) about continuing to be actively engaged in ongoing dialogue “about the future of feminist movement”(hooks3, 35). In arguing that all foundations are always-already contingent, Butler begins with a brief examination of the question, “What is postmodernism? “(35) in order to discuss the value of the term to the feminist social theory and liberation movement that hooks refers to.
That value, Butler eventually concludes, lies in the fact that “postmodernism”???or more precisely, poststructuralism???reveals the constructedness of all foundations, which are “the unquestioned and unquestionable within any theory” (39). One of the prime foundations of concern to Butler, and many feminists including hooks, is that of the “universal,” which, regardless of how it’s defined, always relies upon biased and ethnocentric theories. Hooks is also conscious of this persistent behaviour and says, “feminist theorists will need to be conscientious about not supporting monolitic notions of theory” (37).
Emphasising the same thought as Butler, that the narrow minded one way of thinking about what sexism is, is an ancient way of thinking, especially as Butler insists that we are in a postmodern state. Bell hooks’ ‘radical agenda’ can be seen as an attempt to reach out to women, as well as men, universally to confront the issue that postmodern feminist theory does “not allow effective communication of ideas, as it reinforces the fear.. on the part of the exploited and oppressed” (hooks3, 37). Butler uses the conflict between the U. S. nd Iraq to demonstrate these same consequences of placing any premise beyond question by calling it “universal. ” As Butler notes: “We have, I think, witnessed the conceptual and material violence of this practice in the United States’s war against Iraq, in which the Arab ‘other’ is understood to be radically ‘outside’ the universal structures of reason and democracy and, hence, calls to be brought forcibly within” (40). Clearly indicating the same visionary as hooks, Butler accepts that politics govern the idea of universitality and are the reason of postmodernism.
Proposing a new kind of feminism that is genuinely international, Martha Nussbaum argues for an ethical underpinning to all thought about development planning and public policy, and dramatically moves beyond the abstractions of economists and philosophers to embed thought about justice in the concrete reality of the struggles of poor women (791). This differs greatly than what hooks says, as she is not referring to feminism in such a broad context.
In her article, Nussbaum argues that international political and economic thought must be sensitive to gender difference as a problem of justice, and that feminist thought must begin to focus on the problems of “women in the third world” (782). Through analysis of this quotation and a seen periodically in her work, Nussbaum does have a similar vision saying that through spread of word and expressing concern as well as demanding to be heard (778), is essential in the feminist movement, as does hooks.
Taking as her point of departure the predicament of poor women in India, Nussbaum shows how philosophy should undergird basic constitutional principles that should be respected and implemented by all governments, and used as a comparative measure of quality of life across nations(786). Nussbaum concludes by calling for a new international focus to feminism, different than that of hooks views to first create a solid focus in universities locally (in the US), whereas Nussbaum shows through concrete detail how philosophical arguments about justice really connect with concerns of public policy more than anything else.
In my opinion Nussbaum and hooks’ visions have less similarity than hooks and the previously mentioned feminists, but overall do look to further the development in liberating women who are oppressed and furthering the growth of the feminist movement. The word liberatory itself is defined as the idea “to free (a group or individual) from social or economic constraints or discrimination, especially arising from traditional role expectations or bias” (dictionary. com). Feminist theory aims to understand the nature of nequality and focuses on gender politics, power relations and sexuality. While generally providing a critique of relations, much of feminist theory also focuses on analysing gender inequality and the promotion of women’s rights, interests, and all sorts of other issues. I believe in the notion that hooks expresses, that creating theory that is meaningful and can be contextualised within the lived experiences of those women and men who come from marginalised groups, does go a long way toward the creation of a truly liberatory educational practice.
Educational practice, is an excellent example of the sort of dynamic activity that must exist to create a liberatory feminist theory. In a university setting as hooks often mentions, being a perfect place to educate academically the ideas of feminist theory, it is also a place that “the practice of freedom” (hooks3, 41) can occur. The practice of freedom, is another example of what it means to be liberated.
It is the ability to have a choice to be heard and to have your thoughts and ideas taken seriously no matter your race or gender. I believe that a liberatory feminist theory encourages oppressed peoples to define for themselves their situations and to define actions that will be liberating. I can conclude by saying that this liberation theory as discussed by hooks is clearly essential in creating an effective and successful feminist movement. Additional references dictionary. com http://dictionary. reference. com/browse/liberatory